Indian Ocean Trade Routes Oppdatert 9. august 2016. Det indiske ocean handelsruter koblet Sørøst-Asia, India. Arabia og Øst-Afrika. Fra minst det tredje århundre fvt, flyttet langdistanse sjøhandel over en rute av ruter som forbinder alle disse områdene, så vel som Øst-Asia (spesielt Kina). Langt før europeerne ble oppdaget34 brukte Indiskehavet, handelsmenn fra Arabia, Gujarat og andre kystområder trekant-seilte dhows for å utnytte sesongmessige monsunvindene. Innkjøp av kamel hjalp med å bringe kystvarevarer - silke, porselen, krydder, slaver, røkelse og elfenben - til innlandsperioder, så vel. I klassisk tid inkluderte store imperier involvert i indiske hav handel Mauryan Empire i India, Han-dynastiet i Kina, Achaemenid Empire i Persia, og det romerske imperiet i Middelhavet. Silke fra Kina graced romerske aristokrater, romerske mynter blandet i indiske treasuries, og persiske juveler dukke opp i Mauryan innstillinger. En annen stor eksportvare langs den klassiske indiske handelsruten var religiøs tankegang. Buddhisme. Hinduismen. og jainismen spredte seg fra India til Sørøst-Asia, brakt av selgere i stedet for av misjonærer. Islam vil senere spre seg på samme måte fra 700-tallet e. Kr. Av Kallie Szczepanski. Asiatisk historieekspert I middelalderens epoke, 400 - 1450 e. Kr., floriserte handel i Det indiske hav. Stigningen av Umayyad (661 - 750 CE) og Abbasid (750 - 1258) kalifater på den arabiske halvøy ga en kraftig vestlig knutepunkt for handelsruter. I tillegg var islam verdt handelsmenn (profeten Muhammad selv var en handelsmann og karavan leder), og velstående muslimske byer skapt en enorm etterspørsel etter luksusvarer. Samtidig understreket Tang (618 - 907) og Song (960 - 1279) Dynasties i Kina også handel og industri, og utviklet sterke handelsforbindelser langs landbaserte Silkeveier. og oppmuntre til maritim handel. Sanglinjene selv skapte en kraftig keiserlig flåte for å kontrollere piratkopiering på den østlige enden av ruten. Mellom araberne og kineserne blomstret flere store imperier basert i stor grad på maritim handel. Chola-imperiet i Sør-India dazzlede reisende med sin rikdom og luksus kinesiske besøkende rekordparader av elefanter som er dekket med gullduk og juveler som marsjerer gjennom byens gater. I det som nå er Indonesia, baserte Srivijaya-riket nesten utelukkende på beskatning av handelsfartøyer som beveget seg gjennom de smale melakastrømmene. Selv Angkor. basert langt inne i Khmer hjertet av Kambodsja, brukte Mekong-elven som en motorvei som bundet den til det indiske havs handelsnettverk. Kina har i århundrer for det meste tillatt utenlandske handelsmenn å komme til det. Tross alt ønsket alle kinesiske varer, og utlendinger var mer enn villige til å ta seg tid og problemer med å besøke kyst-Kina for å skaffe seg fine silke, porselen og andre varer. I 1405 sendte Yongle keiseren av Kinas nye Ming-dynasti ut den første av syv ekspedisjoner for å besøke alle imperiums store handelspartnere rundt Det indiske hav. Ming-skattekassen under admiral Zheng Han reiste hele veien til Øst-Afrika, bringer tilbake emissarer og handler varer fra hele regionen. Av Kallie Szczepanski. Asiatisk historieekspert I 1498 gjorde rare nye sjøfolk sitt første utseende i Indiskhavet. Portugisiske sjømenn under Vasco da Gama avrundet det sørlige punktet i Afrika og våget seg inn i nye hav. De portugisiske var ivrige etter å bli med i det indiske hav, siden europeisk etterspørsel etter asiatiske luksusvarer var ekstremt høy. Men Europa hadde ingenting å handle. Folkene rundt bassenget i Det indiske hav hadde ikke behov for ull - eller pelsbekledning, jernkoker, eller de andre dårlige produktene i Europa. Som et resultat, kom portugisiskene inn i det indiske hav som handel som pirater i stedet for handelsmenn. Ved hjelp av en kombinasjon av bravado og kanoner tok de havnebyer som Calicut på Indias vestkyst og Macau, i Sør-Kina. Den portugisiske begynte å rane og utpresse lokale produsenter og utenlandske handelsskip. Scarred av den mauriske erobringen av Portugal og Spania, så de muslimer spesielt som fiende, og tok enhver mulighet til å plyndre sine skip. I 1602 oppstod en enda mer hensynsløs europeisk makt i Det indiske hav: Det nederlandske Øst-India-selskapet (VOC). I stedet for å insinuere seg inn i det eksisterende handelsmønsteret, som portugisisk hadde gjort, søkte nederlandene et totalt monopol på lukrative krydder som muskat og mace. I 1680 kom britene sammen med deres britiske østindiske selskap. som utfordret VOC for kontroll av handelsruter. Som de europeiske kreftene etablerte politisk kontroll over viktige deler av Asia, vendte Indonesia, India. Malaya, og mye av Sørøst-Asia i kolonier, gjensidig handel oppløst. Varene flyttet mer og mer til Europa, mens de tidligere asiatiske handelsrømmene ble fattigere og kollapset. Det to tusen år gamle handelsmarkedet i Det indiske hav ble krøllet, om ikke helt ødelagt. Slideshare bruker informasjonskapsler for å forbedre funksjonalitet og ytelse, og for å gi deg relevant reklame. Hvis du fortsetter å surfe på nettstedet, godtar du bruken av informasjonskapsler på denne nettsiden. Se vår brukeravtale og personvernregler. Slideshare bruker informasjonskapsler for å forbedre funksjonalitet og ytelse, og for å gi deg relevant annonsering. Hvis du fortsetter å surfe på nettstedet, godtar du bruken av informasjonskapsler på denne nettsiden. Se vår personvernerklæring og brukeravtale for detaljer. Utforsk alle favorittemner i SlideShare-appen Få SlideShare-appen til å lagre for senere, selv frakoblet Fortsett til mobilnettstedet Opplastning Logg inn Registrering Dobbeltklikk for å zoome ut UPSC ANCIENT Indisk historie Topper Notater 2013 2014 Generell kunnskap Del dette SlideShare LinkedIn Corporation kopiere 2017Indian History og kultur indisk historie og kultur: oversikt mennesker av asiatisk opprinnelse migrert i Amerika mellom førti tusen og tolv tusen år siden. Klimaendringer førte til de tidligste forrådene, hvem steinhugget spyd peker over hele halvkule, for å tilpasse seg et bredt spekter av økosystemer. Sørøst-folkene tamper kinnopodplanter i takt med andre globale sentre av plantebedrift. Folk i hele Nord-Amerika vedtok mais, bønner og squash fra sine meksikanske naboer. De største befolkningssentrene og statlig samfunn oppstod på det indre Mississippi River-dreneringsnettverket, noe som forlot kysten mer utsatt for invasjon. Med Spania i spissen, koloniserte europeerne og brakte nye sykdommer til Amerika som begynte i slutten av femtende århundre, og forårsaket den verste demografiske katastrofen i menneskets historie. Epidemics tok en toll i alle sfærer av innfødt amerikansk liv. Med bemerkelsesverdig tilpasningsevne splittet de overlevende, migrert og til slutt sammen for å danne nye grupper og utarbeide strategier for å håndtere inntrengerne. Utveksling av skinn for europeiske produserte varer økt nasjonalt økonomisk og åndelig liv i århundrer før avhengighet utelukket deres autonomi. Den kontinuerlige driften av euroamerikanere til å ekspropriere innfødt land, uansett hva som er nødvendig, inkludert folkemord, reduserte de opprinnelige folkene til et urfolksminder som var oppslukt i et hav av innvandrere. Som kolonisatoren som i siste instans beholdt det mest opprinnelige landet, gav USA utilsiktet innfødte personer begrenset suverenitet ved å benytte avtaler som den billigste måten å skaffe land på. I 1830-tallet definerte Høyesterett indianer som avdelinger i den amerikanske regjeringen. Selv om nesten alle traktater ble brutt, brukte stammer i det tjuende århundres suksess fullt ut domstolene til å opprettholde sin begrensede suverenitet. Med størst grad av intermarriage av en hvilken som helst minoritetsgruppe i USA, var den innfødte befolkningen på vei oppover som det 20. århundre endte, selv om de var de mest fattige. Bibliografi. William C. Sturtevant, red. Håndbok av nordamerikanske indianer, 10 volum. til dato, 1978-. Francis Jennings, grunnleggerne av Amerika, 1993. Melissa L. Meyer Indisk historie og kultur: Migrasjon og pre-columbian era Indianerne i Amerika, samt Aleuts og Inuit (Eskimos), stammer fra nordøst i Asia og kom til Amerika i tre eller fire store migrerende episoder. De fleste amerikanske indianere stammer fra en migrasjon som begynte for 15.000 år siden. Hvorvidt disse menneskene opplevde en sparsom befolkning av mennesker som stammer fra en mye tidligere migrasjon, er et tema for mye debatt og forskning. En senere migrasjon som begynte for omtrent 9 500 år siden, brakte trolig høyttalere av Na-deacuteneacute-språk til interiør Alaska og Vest-Canada. Men genetisk bevis er også i samsvar med muligheten for at Na-deacuteneacute begynte som en gren av den forrige migrasjonen, idet splittelsen kanskje har skjedd i Nordvest-Nord-Amerika i stedet for tidligere i Sibirien. Noen av Na-deacuteneacute-høyttalere flyttet senere til den nåværende sørvestlige USA, der deres etterkommere er kjent som Apaches og Navajos. En endelig migrasjon av forfedre Inuit (Eskimo) og Aleut folk begynte for 4500 år siden og førte til okkupasjonen av kyst Alaska, samt for forbudt og tidligere ubesatte områder over Polarsirkelen i Canada og Grønland. På slutten av istiden for rundt ti tusen år siden levde alle mennesker som jegere, samlere og foragere. De svært mobile bandene av amerikanske indianere som bor i det som nå er USA, blir generelt referert til som paleo-indianere. Endring av miljøforhold og menneskelig predasjon kjørte mange av de store isaldyr-spilldyrene til utryddelse da isbreer trakk seg tilbake og miljøet skiftet mot moderne forhold. Etter hvert som forholdene stabiliserte, ble de indiske befolkningene blitt mindre mobile, avgjort til territoriale områder, og utviklet spesialiserte teknologier og sosiale organisasjoner for effektiv utnyttelse av tilgjengelige matressurser. Dette førte til utvikling av boliger på sentrale steder og gradvis regional diversifisering av det som tidligere hadde vært en jevn enhetlig kultur. Økende kjennskap til lokale ressurser resulterte til slutt til delvis domesticering av villplanter. For eksempel, i østlige skogsområder, ble innfødt squash, solsikke, goosefoot, sumpweed, knotweed, maygrass og liten bygg alle tatt under tamning ved andre årtusen B. C. Langs den nordvestlige kysten intensiverte indiske samfunn utnyttelse, lagring og omfordeling av sesongressurser, de fleste av dem maritime. Befolkningen forblir tynn i vestlige ørkener og i det fjerne nord. Miljøvariasjoner var klart viktige determinanter av de spesifikke retningene som indiske kulturer hadde på tvers av kontinentet da de vokste og utviklet seg. Nordamerikanske indianere var begrenset av den generelle mangelen på egnede husdyr. Native American hestene hadde blitt utdødt, og de kunne ikke ha vært egnet for domesticering i alle fall, og det var ingen andre dykkerdatater som kunne ha tjent som tamkatekilder, ull, melk, kjøtt, traction eller transport i Nord Amerika. Dette faktum begrenset teknologisk forandring og tvang en tillit til viltspill for kjøtt, huder og dyrefibre. Fraværet av noe dyr som er ekvivalent med osten, forhindret utviklingen av ploger og hjulkjøretøy, samt gresskledde plantenes domesticater som lik Eurasian hvete og bygg, noe som krever plogteknologi. Innfødte domesticater støttet utviklingen av Adena-kulturen i dagens sørlige Ohio og deler av fire tilstøtende stater med rundt 700 B. C. Adena er best kjent for store gravhuller med høyverdig gravtilbud. Blant disse er rørformede rør og annet bevis på at tobakk, opprinnelig et sør-amerikansk hushold, hadde spredt seg til Nord-Amerika på denne tiden. Enkelte ytre Adena-stil begravelser forekommer så langt øst som New Jersey og så langt nordøst som Vermont. Adena varet til rundt A. D. 1. De mer utførlige Hope-velværdene oppstod rundt 100 B. C. innenfor Adena territorium. Disse inkluderer noen ganger svært store geometriske jordverk i kjernen i sørlige Ohio. Hopewell varte til ca 350 A. gytderivater med tilhørende høyderkulturer i den nedre Great Lakes-regionen, rundt Lake Michigan, og i dalene i Mississippi-elven og dens hovedtreer fra sørlige Minnesota til Mexicogolfen. Begravelseshøydene ble til slutt bygd gjennom østlige skogsområder og østlige prairier i USA, med unntak av New England og den midtatlantiske kystregionen. Noen forsinkede eksempler i Wisconsin og deler av tilstøtende stater ble konstruert som store dyrebilder. Plant domesticates som først ble dyrket lenger sør sørget til slutt for enkelte naturlige mangler. Mais ble utviklet i Mexico som et plantetatat som produserte mange store frø fra et forholdsvis lite antall planter som kunne benyttes ved bruk av håndteknikker. Bønner, tammet i Sør-Amerika, hadde de samme egenskapene og ga en delvis erstatning for kjøttprotein. Disse ble spredt nordover av indiske bønder sammen med overlegne stammer av squash, noe som førte til store økonomiske endringer i Øst-Nord-Amerika etter A. D. 800. Stammer fra disse husdyrene nådde også den amerikanske sørvest ved kanskje så tidlig som 300 B. C. Her laget de en ørken og nær ørken som var marginalt produktiv for bønder, og Pueblo landsbykulturer dukket opp. Tre store kulturelle tradisjoner, Anasazi, Mogollon og Hohokam, ble sentrert i dagens Arizona og New Mexico, med utvidelser av de to første som nådde nabolandene i USA og Mexico. Hohokam-kulturen benyttet seg av intensiv avling. Den mindre patayanske tradisjonen utviklet seg til vest, delvis i California, og Fremont-kulturen utviklet i Utah. De midkontinentale prærene forble gresland fordi, som vi har sett, manglet indiske bønder den nødvendige kraften til pløying. Bare elven daler av prærene støttet oppdrett før de kommende europeerne, for deres alluvial jord kan dyrkes med hånd redskaper. Prairiene og High Plains var stedet for kulturell florescens først etter at tamsehester innført av den spanske gjort pastoralism mulig. Oppstarten av høvdingene i de østlige skogene skjedde etter A. D. 800 med innføring av nye stammer av mais og andre domesticates. Store byer dukket opp med flat-toppede plattformshøyr viser tydelig den arkitektoniske innflytelsen av utviklingen i Sentral-Mexico. Fire regionale varianter i Sørøst, alle kjent som Mississippian, er utpekt som henholdsvis Middel, Sør Appalachian, Caddoan og Plaquemine Mississippian. Nordlige varianter er kjent som Oneota og Fort Ancient. Amerikanske indianere som bodde nord for De store innsjøer, i High Plains, Great Basin, California, og langs nordvestkysten ble jakere og samlere gjennom hele den pre-Columbian-tiden. Populasjoner der forblir generelt lave, færre enn en person per hundre kvadratkilometer i gjennomsnitt. De som bor langs vestkysten og i enkelte deler av innlandet, likte likevel en slik naturlig overflod at de hadde høyere befolkningstettheter som var sammenlignbare med de østlige skogbrukernes bønder. De forseggjorte samfunnene til nordvestkysten er spesielt bemerkelsesverdige for deres høyt utviklede kunst og sofistikerte sosiopolitiske systemer. Klimaendringer i de siste århundrene i den pre-columbian epoken førte til at mange jordbruksbyer i sørvest ble nedlagt, så vel som landsbykjernging og økt konkurranse som førte til intensivert krigføring i mange deler av det østlige skogsområdet. Nord-Amerika ved slutten av den pre-colombianske perioden var en kulturell mosaikk av hundrevis av amerikanske indiske nasjoner som snakker forskjellige språk og følger livssteder, alt fra små jaktband til store, sårbare høvdinger basert på intensiv oppdrett. Alle aspekter av amerikansk indisk kultur viste betydelig regional og temporal variasjon. Pålitelige estimater av samlet størrelse av nordamerikanske indiske befolkninger nord for Mexico i A. D. 1492 tilnærmet 2,2 millioner. Bibliografi. William Sturtevant, red. Håndbok av nordamerikanske indianer, 10 volum. til dato, 1978-. Michael Coe, Dean Snow og Elizabeth Benson, Atlas of Ancient America, 1986. Alice B. Kehoe, Nordamerikanske indianere: En omfattende konto, 1992. Indisk historie og kultur: Distribusjon av store grupper, ca 1500 rundt omkring 1500, ca. fire hundre forskjellige og gjensidig uforståelige amerikanske indiske språk ble talt i den delen av Nord-Amerika som ligger nord for Mexico. Vanligvis ble hvert språk snakket av medlemmer av et rimelig veldefinert tradisjonelt samfunn. Disse samfunnene varierte fra små, men vidt spredte i områder med lav naturlig produktivitet til store og tette i områder der oppdrett ble praktisert. Etterkommere av mange som fortsatt overlever, og referanser til samfunnene i fortiden i dette essayet, betyr ikke nødvendigvis at de er utryddet. Kontinentet kan enkelt deles inn i elleve kulturområder, hver med et annet sett av typiske oppholdsformer, bosetningstyper, husstiler, sosiale systemer og politiske organisasjoner. Nordamerikanske indiske språk kan grupperes i ikke færre enn tjuefem familier, den endelige form for spredning av språk som tok femten tusen år å utvikle seg. Mer enn tretti språk er enten unike isolater uten kjente slektninger eller utdødd og så dårlig kjent at de ikke kan grupperes med noen andre. Fordi uskrevne språk beholder ledetråder til deres koblinger med beslektede språk i det meste noen tusen år, kan det aldri være mulig å spore de gamle forbindelsene mellom selv kjente språk og språkfamilier. Da Hernando de Soto begynte sin utforskning av det sørøstlige skogsområdet i 1539, oppdaget han store byer med sentrale plazas og jordplatformshøyer omgitt av boliger og marker med mais, bønner og squash. Dyrking hadde en tendens til å bli utført på rike, lettdyrkede, alluviale jord på brede elvflod, ofte i nærheten av oksebøysjøer og andre områder med høy naturlig matproduktivitet. Mange samfunn ble organisert politisk som høvdinger, noen med samfunn basert på matrilineale prinsipper, noen basert på patrilineale. Muskogean og Caddoan var de største språkfamiliene i regionen, selv om det også var representanter for Siouan og Iroquoian familier. Regionen var en av de første som opplevde avfolkning på grunn av kopper og andre sykdommer som spredte seg fra Europa i det sekstende århundre. De nordøstlige skogene støttet mindre intensiv oppdrett. Oppland slash-og-brenne oppdrett ble praktisert i de nedre Great Lakes og sørlige New England-områdene, mens wild-rice samling dominerte rundt de store Great Lakes. De fleste samfunn snakket enten Iroquoian eller Algonquian språk i dette kulturområdet. Algonquian-høyttalere, også utbredt i øst Canada, var på plass tidligere enn de iroquoian-høyttalere. Sistnevnte intruderte seg inn i regionen fra de sentrale Appalachians, som brakte med seg plantenes domesticater og longhouse samfunn organisert langs matrilineal linjer. Farming senere spredt seg til de Algonquian innbyggerne i det sørlige New England. Europeiske sykdommer nådde nordøst senere enn Sørøst, men med slike ødeleggende virkninger selv før europeisk utforskning som vi lite vet om indianerne i den øvre Ohio-dalen i denne perioden. Før innføringen av den hestede hesten, var opplandet Great Plains okkupert av bånd av mobile jæger-samlere, i alle fall noen av dem talere av Kiowa-Tanoan-språk. Skogkledde daler av de viktigste vestlige bifloder av Mississippi-elven, spesielt Missouri-elven, ble okkupert av stillesiddende bønder som hadde flyttet oppstrøms fra østlige skogsområder sent i pre-Columbian-tiden. Disse var hovedsakelig talere av Caddoan og Siouan språk. Disse oppdrettsfolkene bodde vanligvis i landsbyer av store flerfamiliejordhytter, og noen var sterkt matrilineale. Algonquian-talende jegere ble tynt fordelt over det østlige Canada kulturområdet, som inkluderte nordlige New England og Maritime Provinces. Små mobilbånd ble vanligvis organisert langs patrilineal eller bilaterale linjer. De som bor nær kysten hadde tilgang til mer rikelig matressurser og bodde ofte i landsbyer av barkwigwams i minst en del av året. Det vestlige canadiske kulturområdet var okkupert av høyttalere av ulike Na-deacuteneacute-språk, den største brøkdelen heter Atapaskan. I likhet med folket i Øst-Canada var de jæger-samlere som bodde i små mobilband. Noen Athapaskans brøt bort og migrert til sørvest vest i pre-Columbian-tiden, hvor de senere ble kjent som Apache og Navajo-folkene. De bosatte Pueblo-bøndene i sørvest, rester av de store tradisjonene i regionen som blomstret i pre-Columbian era, besto av fire språkfamilier: Uto-Aztecan, Hokan, Keresan og Kiowa-Tanoan. Et språk, Zuni, trosser klassifisering. Pueblo landsbyer ble tradisjonelt bygget av stein eller adobe, og mange innså sterkt matrilineal samfunn bygget rundt klaner og forseggjort sesongmessige seremonier. Langvarig tørke tvang dem alle til å inngå deres territorier før A. D. 1500, en forandring som lette innvandringen av Athapaskan-høyttalere fra nord. Southwestern Pueblo landsbyer er fortsatt godt kjent for sin arkitektur og keramikk. Det store bassenget er en tørr region som ikke støttet mye oppdrett rundt 1500 A. I nesten alle innbyggere i dette kulturområdet var uto-asiatiske høyttalere som bodde i små mobile bånd. Nåværende California, nord for deler av det som var en del av Great Basin eller Southwest kulturområder, var høy i naturlig produktivitet. Mer enn førti nasjoner bodde i små, tett befolket stammeområder. Ingen av dem praktiserte oppdrett, men alle hadde utarbeidet spesielle teknikker for å høste inn lokalt rikelige ressurser som var virtuelle stifter i deres dietter. De rike, ville ressursene varierte fra plantefødevarer, som eikekorn, til sjømat. Langsiktig styring av matressursene viste nesten noen av dem til domesticater. Stammene i California snakket språk som tilhører minst syv familier, inkludert små representative enklaver av noen språkfamilier snakkes mye mer utenfor California. Nordvestkysten, som California, ble preget av om lag 40 uavhengige stammer og høvdinger som viser betydelig kulturell og språklig mangfold. Det var åtte lan guage familier i kulturområdet og flere språk som ikke kan klassifiseres nå. Rike maritime ressurser tillot utvikling av store stillesittende byer. Høvdingene i den sentrale delen av kysten er velkjente for deres flerfamiliehus og forseggjort cedertomotropolskunst. Interiøret Plateau kulturområdet ligger mellom kystfjellene i nordvestkysten og de indre fjellene. De fleste av platanes stammer levde langs bifloder av Columbia og Fraser Rivers og snakket Sahaptain, Salishan og Na-deacuteneacute språk som var relatert til språk av de samme familier langs nordvestkysten. De var i stor grad jæger-samlere som likte ressurser rikelig nok til at noen av dem kunne leve i permanente jordhytter i minst en del av året. Kyst Alaska, Nord-Canada og Grønland ligger alle innenfor det arktiske kulturområdet, hvis innbyggere alle snakket språk til familien Eskimo-Aleut. I 1500 var alle de bebodde delene av Arktis øst for Alaska okkupert av Inuit-folk som snakket om dialekter av et språket, konsekvensen av deres raske trekkutvidelse fra Nord-Alaska bare noen få århundrer tidligere. Alaska selv, som hadde vært opptatt i lengre tid, var betydelig mer variert, både kulturelt og språklig. Arktiske mennesker bodde i små mobile familieband som var avhengig av en lett, men svært utarbeidet teknologi for overlevelse i et tøft miljø. Trolling har poon, hundesledet, sammensatt bue og kajakk er bare noen få eksempler på deres teknologiske oppfinnsomhet. Nord-Amerika på tvers av europeisk leting og kolonisering var kort sagt en region med rikholdige indiske kulturer som i stor grad var ulik forskjellig, inkludert språk, sosial organisasjon og livsstil. Det var et mangfold som matchet det kulturelle mangfoldet til nykommerne fra over Atlanterhavet. Senere interaksjoner produserte den komplekse kulturelle mosaikken som fortsetter i dag. William Sturtevant, red. Håndbok av nordamerikanske indianer, 10 volum. til dato, 1978-. Michael Coe, Dean Snow og Elizabeth Benson, Atlas of Ancient America, 1986. Alice B. Kehoe, Nordamerikanske indianere: En omfattende konto, 1992. Indisk historie og kultur: Fra 1500 til 1800 Aboriginal folk kom inn i østlige skoger (definert her stort sett som arealet avgrenset av Atlanterhavet, St. Lawrence og Mississippi Rivers, og Mexicogolfen) for rundt ti tusen år siden. Ved slutten av det femtende århundre bodde kanskje 500.000 Amerindians i området, selv om estimatene i beste fall er svært begrepsmessige. De deltok i mange bånd, hver av dem betraktet seg som en selvstendig person. Algonquian språk dominert (blant annet Abenakis, Delawares og Ojibwas), sammen med Iroquoian (Fem Nations, Hurons, Cherokees), Muskogean (Creeks, Choctaws, Appalachees), Siouan (Catawbas) og Timucuan (Potamos). Amerindian Life and Social Institutions rundt 1500. Med noen unntak bodde Woodlands Amerindians i landsbyer med noen få hundre innbyggere. De fleste fantes hovedsakelig på kultiverte avlinger, spesielt mais, bønner og squash, og supplerte deres dietter med kjøtt - og sjøjaktjakt som styrte nord for St. Lawrence og langs Ohio-elven, og gjorde også fiske i kystnære Florida og sørlige New England. Landsbyene besto av familier gruppert i to eller flere klaner, som ga gjestfrihet til beslektede slektninger, og i fravær av et statistisk juridisk system, fungerte som et politi, og hevde skader på slektninger. Wood lander folk heller ikke akkumulert mye materiell rikdom eller utviklet lagdelt klasser. Band ble ledet av sivile høvdinger som tok råd fra eldste, råd eller noen ganger alle voksne. Manglende fiatmakt og dermed ikke i stand til å tvinge individuell oppførsel, hersker høvdinge i stedet av kraft av personlighet og eksempel. Militære høvdinger, utvalgt for deres tapperhet, kapteinspartier for jakt og kamp. Kriger, kjempet for ære eller hevn i stedet for rikdom eller territorium, var endemiske, men ikke særlig dødelige. Landsbyer ble slått sammen i strukturer av forskjellig størrelse og kompleksitet, fra stammene som inkorporerer noen få byer med hoveder som i hovedsak har samme autoritet til overordnede høvdinger som integrerer en rekke band - og slektsgrupper styrt av et rangordnet høvdingshierarki. Omfattende politikk var sjeldne. Noen ganger i det sekstende århundre dannet Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas og Mohawks Iroquoisforbundet for å stoppe blodfudene blant dem i slutten av århundret. Powhatan skapte en overordnet chiefdom blant James River Algonquians med makt, trusler , og forhandlinger og i det attende århundre utviklet Cherokeene en konfederasjon for å koordinere politikken mot de britiske koloniene. Amerindians foretok noen oppgaver uten å engasjere åndene (manitøst, et Algonquian ord), som ble antatt å bo i verden og gi makt på sine borgere. Riktig oppførsel medførte etablering av relasjoner med gjensidig respekt med hver skapning, slik oppførsel ville maksimere en persons potensial. Landsbyer utførte kommunale ritualer for å takke og propitiere ånder. Selve individer (shamaner) kjøpte ekstraordinære magiske og helbredende krefter fra åndene, men ingen spesiell klosterkaste eksisterte, og enhver person kunne kommunisere med manitøs direkte. Tidlige kontakter med europeerne. Gjentatte kontakter mellom Woodlands Amerindians og europeerne oppsto først i løpet av sekstitende århundre. Langs den nordatlantiske kysten var de sporadiske. Algonquians i Øst-Canada og New England utvekslet varer med fiskere som tørker fangsten. Iroquoisere og Algonquians hilste Jacques Cartiers tre utflukter opp St. Lawrence mellom 1534 og 1542, men franskmennene kom ikke tilbake i mer enn et halvt århundre. Sørøst-folkene opplevde langt større inntrengninger, innfallene av Paacutenfilo de Narvaacuteez (1527-1528) og Hernando de Soto (1539-1542) falt mange sammenstøt, og i deres kjerne kollapset de viktigste høvdingene. Årsakene til deres død er ikke helt klart, men sykdom spilte ledende rolle, som det gjorde ved å decimere aboriginal bosetninger i hele halvkulen. Etter å ha eksistert i et statisk sykdomsmiljø i tusenårene, hadde Amerindians ikke utviklet noen immuniteter til gamle verdenspatogener og raskt overgikk kopper og åndedrettsproblemer. Virgin soil epidemics slo de mest produktive aldersgruppene de vanskeligste og venstre overlevende som ikke klarer å opprettholde seg selv. Noen forskere antyder at innfødte populasjoner kan ha gått ned med 90 prosent innen et århundre etter kontakt uansett hvilken figur, pandemier løsnet innfødte grep på sitt land mer enn noen annen faktor. I løpet av det syttende århundre måtte Amerindians kjempe mot europeiske innbrudd langs hele Atlanterhavet. Rundt St. Lawrence-elven og de store innsjøene inngikk Algonquians og Hurons et omfattende handelsnettverk med franskmennene. Tusener konvertert til romersk katolicisme, noen døbt av jesuittene mens de lå og dø, andre fordi å ta korset ga dem større tilgang til våpen. Pelshandelenes lønnsomhet vekket oppmerksomheten til de fem nasjonene, Hurons invaterate fiender, som forsøkte å overta handel og som i 1649 ødela Huronia, noen av deres overlevende omgrupperte som Wyandotter. De fem nasjonene, spesielt Mohawks, tok sine pelter til Fort Orange (senere Albany), opprinnelig avgjort av det nederlandske West India Company, som var langt mer interessert i skinn enn sjeler. I begynnelsen samsvarte Algonquians av den nedre Hudson-dalen fredelig med New Netherland. Etter hvert som antall bønder vokste og deres bruk av stammelande økte, forsøkte nederlandene å kontrollere innfødte bevegelser tettere, og krigen brøt ut i 1643-1645, og svekket både elvestamlene og kolonien, som falt til England i 1664. I Engelske kolonier, konfronterte Amerindians kolonisatorer som konstruerte mer omfattende landbruksoppgjør enn andre europeere, og som dermed utgjorde den største trusselen mot innfødte land. Algonquians were marginal to New Englands commercial and spiritual economies the quantity of fur-bearing animals could not support intensive trapping for long, nor did Puritan visions of constructing a godly society make converting the heathen a cardinal priority. The Wampanoags kept peace with the English for more than fifty years until, fearful about being dispossessed, they recruited the Narragansetts and other Algonquians into a pan-tribal alliance that devastated New England in Metacoms War (1675-1676), called King Philip s War by the colonists. The conflict retarded English settlement for decades but also wrecked the tribes capac ity for further resistance. Around Chesapeake Bay, the Powhatans soon determined that the Virginians desire for tobacco soils endangered their domain, and they launched major strikes in 1622 and 1644 to expel the invaders. The Virginians persevered, despite suffering significant casualties, and by the late seventeenth century had subdued the coastal tribes. Spanish Franciscans gathered Guales of the Georgia coast, along with Timucuans and Appalachees in northern Florida, around doctrinas, church compounds circumscribed by native villages that contributed crops and labor. Disease and the Timucuan Rebellion of 1656 stunted the interior missions, and the English and Creeks destroyed the Guale outposts in 1702-1704. Amerindians, the Atlantic Economy, and Imperial Conflicts. By the eighteenth century, the Eastern Woodlands peoples were inextricably tangled in two profound dynamics. First, exchanging furs for European textiles, metal goods, alcohol, and weapons had integrated them into the transatlantic market economy. Dependent on European commodities that they could neither reproduce nor replace because they had lost an cient skills, natives had to secure continuing access to colonial merchants. Second, rivalry between Great Britain, France, and Spain forced them to choose sides during the wars fought between 1689 and 1763 to control North America. Amerindians who lived near the colonies of two or more European nations could tease concessions from one side by threatening to do business with another, but none could disengage from imperial affairs. The tensions of dealing with aggressive states that were also sources of vital goods split many peoples between accommodationists, who believed that bands could best preserve their autonomy by coexisting with Europeans, and nativists willing to risk war. Stirred by prophets who decried Amerindians departure from the old ways and their consequent loss of spiritual power, nativists urged armed struggle against encroach ment and the complete rejection of European culture. Pontiac s Rebellion (1763-1765), a pan-tribal nativist movement instigated by the Delaware prophet Neolin (although named for an Ottawa chief), pressured the British to resume giving native allies gifts, declare their lands off-limits to future settlement, and issue a schedule of fair trade prices. Soon, however, the situation of Woodlands peoples deteriorated. Britains triumph in the Seven Years War (also known as the French and Indian War) gave it hegemony over the East ern Woodlands and undermined tribes ability to play foes against each other. The Revolutionary War created a single national state that asserted sovereignty over virtually the entire area and upheld its citizens rights to acreage within its borders. The United States regarded native peoples--most of whom had fought with Great Britain to curtail further American expansion--as either individuals to assimilate or as obstacles to overcome, but in any case as parties whose claims to autonomy and territory should not be largely credited. Tribal coalitions continued to resist, but the evacuation of British and Spanish troops from American soil during the 1790s made foreign aid more difficult for Woodlands peoples to obtain, and the last great uprising east of the Mississippi--led by the Shawnee chief Tecumseh and his half brother, the prophet Tenskwatawa --was defeated in 1811, after which Amerindians had little remaining means to oppose land cessions and westward removal. Marginalized within the United States, the surviving natives nevertheless maintained their cultural integrity. The incipient sense of belonging to a larger racial or cultural group articulated during nativist movements would crystallize in the late twentieth century around the terms Native Americans and First Nations. Bibliography. Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500-1643, 1982. Ian Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America 1994. James Merrell, The Indians New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors from European Contact through the Era of Removal, 1989. Gregory Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815, 1991. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815, 1991. James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America, 1992. Daniel Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization, 1992. Colin Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 1995. Colin Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America, 1997. Charles L. Cohen Indian History and Culture: From 1800 to 1900 Nineteenth-century American history might read like an unrelieved tragedy for native peoples if their actions and adaptations were not spotlighted. However, they were not simply victims. They actively participated in this history and affected its course and outcome. Post-Revolutionary Euroamerican Expansion and Indian Migration. The Revolutionary War and the subsequent defeat of the British in the War of 1812 created an unprecedented situation for North Americas native peoples. Never again could they play one European power against another. No longer would any nation regard their sovereignty in the North American interior as crucial for preserving peace and enhancing trade. Expansion underlay the U. S. agenda any protection of native rights was a temporary deviation from that greater goal. While land acquisition and explosive population growth brought opportunity and prosperity to white Americans, it dispossessed and impoverished the native people. The close of the nineteenth century coincided with the nadir of the indigenous population. Most native groups had allied with the British during the Revolutionary War, but they were too powerful to be treated as conquered enemies. The U. S. government, small, weak, and bankrupt, was in no position to dictate terms to native people. To avoid costly wars, Congress passed between 1790 and 1834 a series of Trade and Intercourse Acts regulating interaction with Indians. Native people would have sovereignty in Indian Country intruders would be expelled. Only the federal government could buy Indian land. Traders were to be licensed and alcohol prohibited. The United States even established a nonprofit, credit-free, alcohol-free trading enterprise to wean native allies from British traders still in Canada. The inherent contradiction between the dual goals of acquiring land and keeping the peace doomed the formula to failure. A series of Pre-emption Acts promised land titles to squatters who made improvements. The overriding objective of expansion could not have been more clear. Accustomed to collective land stewardship and consensus politics, native groups learned through hard experience the many strategems Euroamericans would use to acquire their land. Speculators preyed upon unauthorized individuals ready to sell land. Bolstered by Pre-emption Acts, squatters in truded illegally. U. S. negotiators sought land cessions at every turn: to liquidate trade debts in return for money, goods, and services to be distributed annually (annuities) and as retribution against groups that resorted to military defiance. The United States claimed jurisdiction over huge parcels like the Louisiana Purchase and the Gadsden Purchase through deals with various European nations. It claimed the Southwest, Northwest, and California through wars with European nations. Despite the clear overall policy of expansion, government representatives dealt with the thousands of native inhabitants largely on an ad hoc basis. Treaties avoided costly wars, but military conquest and even genocide awaited recalcitrant tribes. Whatever appeared in print, U. S. policy toward native people was in reality one of expediency. Many native groups migrated west to avoid direct conflict. The Ohio Valley and Great Lakes areas teemed with refugees, prompting others to move onto the Great Plains and hunt bison astride horses reintroduced into the Americas by Europeans centuries before. In the early nineteenth century, portions of southeastern groups chose to transplant themselves west of the Mississippi River, to present-day Oklahoma and Kansas, at least temporarily escaping settler incursions. Economic and Cultural Interactions. But migration alone could not extricate native peoples from interaction with Euroamericans. For centuries they had traded peltry and environ mental produce for European manufactured goods like copper pots, knives, hatchets, guns and ammunition, cloth, and beads. Although this trade enriched native economic, artistic, and spiritual lives, it complicated their political lives, as commerce and diplomacy with Euroamericans and other natives drew men farther away from home and increased the potential for conflict and military confrontations. Along with material exchange came intermarriage and cultural borrowing, especially in areas where amicable trade persisted the longest, such as the western Great Lakes, central Canada, and the interior Southeast. Traders relied on relationships with native women to cement trade alliances and to acquaint themselves with the cultural and environmental conditions. Growing numbers of people of mixed descent fostered biculturalism and served as cultural brokers. Traders had to accept a nexus of reciprocal rituals embedded in kinship networks. They learned to give presents and demonstrate concern for group welfare. They adopted native items like canoes and snowshoes and relied on native food supplies. European-manufactured goods often had native counterparts. Knives, hatchets, and cloth were improvements, not in novations. Trade goods could even be used for entirely different purposes copper pots, for example, might be cut up for ornamentation. Beads, following upon quill work, brought a flo rescence of artistic expression. Firearms, however, intensified deadly violence in intertribal conflicts. Alcohol, the perfect trade good because it was totally consumed, also exacerbated social conflict, especially among uprooted and dislocated groups. Increasingly in the nineteenth century, treaty-annuity cash fueled a booming liquor trade in every frontier community west of the Mississippi River, despite federal prohibitions against selling alcohol in Indian Country. Over generations, native people came to understand credit and debt and learned to equate goods with a standard based on pelts. Those of mixed descent from fur-trade families learned market ways especially well and became petty merchants after the collapse of the regional fur trade. In the Southeast, they kept step with the local economy by opening inns, mills, taverns, ferries, and toll roads, and even by establishing large plantations with African slaves. They extended their mediating skills into the reservation era, becoming outspoken politicians, though their interests often deviated from those of more conservative members of the group. However, the encroaching agricultural frontier degraded the environment. As game was depleted, native people functioned as intermediaries, supplying manufactured goods to groups farther in the interior in exchange for pelts. Native middlemen faced a crisis when bypassed by Euroamerican traders. Having lost native craft skills, they found themselves dependent on Euroamericans with little to offer in return other than their land. Innovations in Governance, Religious Movements, and Pantribal Initiatives. Escalating land loss prompted many native groups to centralize their governance and ally across tribal lines. The Cherokees, subordinating village autonomy to the common goal of retaining their homeland, created a state modeled after the tripartite U. S. government. Selling land without national approval was treason, punishable by death. Other groups, too, modified governance by consensus in the interest of political centralization. Land pressures, combined with the onslaught of formal treaty negotiations with the United States, crystallized social units that had formerly been more fluid. Native people often sought spiritual solutions for the wrenching problems they faced. Prophets, often reformed alcoholics, experienced visions and conveyed instructions for reclaiming their society from degradation and despair. The more pragmatic the message, the greater was the likelihood of success. In 1799, as the Seneca of upstate New York were reeling from military defeat, land loss, and alcoholism, Handsome Lake began preaching a social and religious message that condemned alcohol, encouraged displaced men instead of women to farm, and subordinated the Senecas matrilineal social structure to one favoring nuclear families. He also urged revival of religious rituals and farming for subsistence instead of the market. Tenskwatawa, the Shawnee Prophet, however, at about the same time preached abstinence from all things Euroamerican. He encouraged all native people to assemble at Prophetstown, in northern Indiana. Unable to feed them, he secretly begged for supplies from the British. He claimed the ability to work miracles, but his followers nearly killed him when he failed to deliver. Equally unrealistic and unsuccessful was the Ghost Dance movement of the 1890s. Large population losses drew native groups across the Plains to the message of Wovoka. a Paiute. If the devout performed the Ghost Dance at intervals for four consecutive days and nights, Wovoka prophesied, a cataclysm would eliminate whites, return the former Plains ecosystem (especially buffalo), and resurrect the dead. The prophecy failed to materialize, and, tragically, more than 150 members of Big Foots Lakota band were massacred by the United States cavalry at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, in 1890. While Tenskwatawa held out spiritual solace through a return to Shawnee ways, diplomats representing his brother Tecumseh were recruiting allies from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. For a brief historical moment, in the most famous pan-tribal initiative, were natives from Canada to the Southeast united to halt the American advance into what had been officially recognized as Indian Country, where tribes were sovereign nations. Disheartened when General William Henry Harrison defeated the native people gathered at Prophetstown, in 1811 Tecumseh abandoned his dream of a pan-Indian union. Forced Expulsion, Forced Assimilation. Neither political nor spiritual strategy could deliver native people from the power of the United States, which began to dictate terms that contradicted its own established policies. For example, despite the Cherokees success in establishing an elective, democratic government, achieving literacy in both English and Cherokee, establishing plantations, and winning favorable Supreme Court rulings, they were forcibly removed from their Georgia homeland in the later 1830s. On the trek west, between four thousand and eight thousand perished on what is remembered as the Trail of Tears. By 1850, most native people east of the Mississippi River had been relocated to Indian Territory, which resembled an ethnic crazy quilt of displaced groups. The discovery of gold in California in 1848 proved a momentous watershed for native people in the West. Hordes of single men stampeded to find fortune. Unrestrained by family, community, or church, they decimated the native population near the goldfields. California natives suffered the most complete genocide in U. S. history. The quest to link California and its gold to East Coast markets by an overland route placed intense pressures upon the native peoples of the Great Plains. The Oregon Trail split the immense buffalo herd in two. Westering emigrants denuded the countryside adjacent to the trails. As native inhabitants retaliated, the United States erected forts and violence escalated, with many innocent people caught in the cross fire. Most white Americans viewed Great Plains natives as obstacles. Attacks multiplied even against groups under the protection of the U. S. Army. The 1864 massacre of Dull Knifes band of friendly Cheyenne at Sand Creek, Colorado, symbolized the genocide of the bloody Plains Wars between 1850 and 1880. To subdue the Plains people, the U. S. cavalry destroyed their possessions and exterminated the buffalo upon which they depended. Policy-makers viewed reservations as temporary halfway houses on the road to assimilation. By the late nineteenth century, they were dismayed that many native people persisted in their customs and beliefs. Easterners hoping to assimilate In dians and westerners hoping to acquire reservation lands coalesced in 1887 to pass the Dawes Severalty Act. Each individual Indian would receive between 40 and 160 acres of land, to be held in trust by the government for twenty-five years while native owners learned how to manage real estate. Homesteaders could buy any land left over. Policy-makers believed that private property would transform Indians collective values their cultural traditions would soon follow. The Dawes Act disregarded treaty terms nationwide, except in the arid Southwest. Although some enterprising Indians favored allotment, the vast majority opposed it, but to no avail. In Worcester v. Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court had confirmed the absolute plenary power of the United States over native tribes, and Congress now fully exercised this right. At the same time, the government imposed a massive forced assimilation program on native people. Agents withheld goods and services unless individuals complied with every federal directive. They had to move onto their allotments, cut their hair, assume surnames, attend Christian services, wear citizens clothing, speak English, and, worst of all, send their children to distant boarding schools like Richard H. Pratts Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania. Boarding schools of fered vocational training. Half the day focused on rudimentary reading, writing, and math the other half involved cleaning, farming, chopping wood, and sewing. Children were steeped in military discipline and forced to wear uniforms and accept English names. Speaking native languages brought punishment. Some homesick students found peer-group support, but others ran away or committed suicide. Overcrowding spread diseases. Graveyards were a regular feature of school grounds. The formula for forced assimilation amounted to cultural genocide. But native adaptations did not simply mirror policy-makers demands. Some converted to Christianity others blended elements from both cultures. At the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota, Ojibwa Episcopal ministers preached and sang hymns in their own language. Mountain Wolf Woman, a Wisconsin Winnebago, practiced her traditional Medicine Lodge religion, attended Christian services, and was a devout Peyotist (a popular new syncretic religion emphasizing sobriety and using peyote as a sacrament). Son of a Star, a North Dakota Hidatsa, built a log cabin instead of an earth lodge but arranged furniture along the walls around the center wood stove. Men and women segregated themselves in customary fashion in relation to the door, on which a buffalo skull rested facing the rising sun. Others resisted change and secretly practiced religions like the Sun Dance away from the prying eyes of agents and missionaries. As for the 1887 Dawes Act, most native people did not have a chance to learn to manage their allotments as real estate. The 1906 Burke Act permitted competent individuals to sell their land, and many did. By 1917, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was forcing unrestricted land titles on individuals without their consent. They were then subject to property taxes and lost the land through tax forfeiture. Local corporate interests and their political allies connived to defraud native people. By 1920, most native people had lost their land, further pauperizing the most impoverished American minority. The Situation in 1900. The year 1900 marked the nadir of the Indian population. Colonized, dispossessed, and infantilized by outsiders iron-clad political and economic control, ultimate extinction seemed inevitable to many observers. Even so, individual responses ranged along a spectrum, with most falling somewhere between the extremes. On one hand, assimilationists championed the Dakota Charles Eastman (1858-1939), a physician who graduated from Boston University Medical School. Daklugie (1872-1955), an Apache leader, represents the other extreme. Daklugie survived the genocidal wars against the Chiricahua Apache, imprisonment at an old fort in Florida, and incarceration at Carlisle Indian School. Once freed, he helped his people turn to cattle raising. Yet he shared the vision of his father, Juh. and despondently reported that the Apache had become Indeh --the dead. They had suffered military conquest and could no longer recognize themselves. History, for them, had stopped. That the native population began to increase after 1900 is testimony to their human resiliency and perseverance. Bibliography. Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes, 1940. Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians, 2 vols. 1983. R. David Edmunds, Tecumseh and the Quest for Indian Leadership, 1984. Robert M. Utley, The Indian Frontier of the American West, 1846-1890, 1984. Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier, 1988. Richard White, Its Your Misfortune and None of My Own: A New History of the American West, 1991. Anthony F. C. Wallace, The Long, Bitter Trail: Andrew Jackson and the Indians, 1993. K. Tsianina Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco Indian School, 1994. Melissa L. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920, 1994. Melissa L. Meyer Indian History and Culture: From 1900 to 1950 Broad demographic, social, and cultural developments profoundly affected both American Indian tribes and individuals in the first half of the twentieth century, as they struggled to define a place for themselves in a changing America. Two different visions shaped that effort. While some sought to establish themselves and their families as full members of American society, others endeavored to retain distinctive tribal cultures, living within American society but not wholly a part of it. The most fundamental change during these five decades was demographic. After some four hundred years of decline from an aboriginal population of more than five million, the American Indian population in the United States sank to a nadir of only about 250,000 around 1900. By 1950, according to the U. S. census, the figure had increased to 357,000, as mortality declined significantly and births outnumbered deaths. Accompanying the numerical increases were declining percentages of full blood individuals within the American Indian population for example, 57 percent of American Indians enumerated in the 1910 census were full bloods, as compared with only 46 percent in 1930. Census data also reveal small but steady increases in the proportion of the Indian population residing in urban areas: In 1900, less than one-half of one percent of American Indians lived in urban areas by 1950, more than 13 percent did. This redistribution was in part a by-product of World War II, as returning Indian servicemen and - women settled in cities and towns rather than on reservations or in rural areas where they had lived formerly. A Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) relocation program that encouraged and assisted Indian people to relocate to urban areas, launched at midcentury, accelerated the urbanization process. Political developments in these decades affected American Indians as well. The Citizenship Act of 1934 made all American Indians in the United States citizens for the first time, and with citizenship came full voting privileges. The allotment of tribal lands to private owners, although primarily a phenomenon of the late nineteenth century, continued into the twentieth century, particularly in Oklahoma where the allotment of Cherokee lands went on until 1907. That same year the former Oklahoma Territory and Indian Territory merged to become the state of Oklahoma, thereby ending Oklahoma as a relocation area for Indian peoples from throughout the United States. Driving the allotment process were political and corporate desires for Indian lands. In some instances, such as in Oklahoma, acreage allotted to tribal members amounted to mere portions of former tribal land, with the rest allocated for settlement by non-Indians. Even allotted lands were not secure under individual Indian ownership. As a result of rampant fraud, individual allotments often fell into the hands of future land barons, speculators, and corporations. Allotment also undermined tribal life. American Indian groups that managed to retain tribal lands as reservations fared better as tribes. This included particularly Indians on the Plains and in the Southwest and West. The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act, acknowledging Indian tribes rights to organize for their common welfare, legitimated and codified tribal self-government under the watchful eyes if not the actual dictates of the BIA. This act, in turn, provided the basis for formal tribal constitutions governing the operations of the more than three hundred federally recognized tribes and more than two hundred federally recognized Alaskan Native villages. The early twentieth century also marked an era of social and cultural change for American Indians. The Chiricahua Apache Geronimo. the last of the true Indian warriors fighting for their land, was captured in 1886 and lived on in Oklahoma until his death in 1909. In 1911, an Indian named Ishi. the last of the Yahis, wandered into Oroville, California, and was taken to the University of California at Berkeley under the supervision of anthropologist Alfred L. Kroeber and others. Apotheosized as the last wild Indian, he died of tuberculosis in 1916. Symbolically, Ishis death marked the extinction of truly distinctive American Indian ways of life that had developed over many thousands of years. The portrayal of Indians in the movies and other popular-culture media reinforced the tendency to relegate them to Americas mythic past. While Geronimo and Ishi symbolized the past, other American Indians attained prominence in the early twentieth century for different reasons. The athlete Jim Thorpe (1888-1953) of Oklahoma, a descendant of Black Hawk. won fame at the 1912 Olympic Games and later played professional football. Other Indians constituted a cadre of intellectuals, operating on a newly established pan-Indian basis, who sought to define or redefine American Indians identity and their place in twentieth-century America. This group, including such diverse individuals as Charles Eastman, Carlos Montezuma. Mary Baldwin, Arthur C. Parker, and Henry Standing Bear, sought primarily to assimilate Indians into wider society. In large part, this intellectual cadre was a product of the system of Indian education that had gradually taken shape. Around 1900, more than two hundred government schools were operating on reservations, supplemented by state schools for Indian youth and some schools in the soon-to-be-ended Indian Territory, primarily under the auspices of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole--the so-called Five Tribes. The Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania--where Jim Thorpe first won fame as a football player--dated to 1879. By 1925, however, doubts had arisen about the effectiveness of these schools in facilitating the movement of Indians into mainstream American life. The U. S. Senate established a commission to assess Indian education it was headed by Lewis Meriam of the University of Chicago. Meriams The Problem of Indian Administration, which became known as the Meriam Report, asserted in 1928 that the Indian problem is essentially an educational one, and called for a redirection of Indian education. Beginning in the 1930s, schools for American Indians became more sympathetic to Indian cultures and slowly incorporated Indian history and culture into the curriculum. As boarding schools and day schools declined, the emphasis by midcentury had almost wholly shifted to public-school education for Indian youth. While many intellectuals, educators, and government administrators sought to bring American Indians more fully into mainstream American society, other developments aimed at retaining a distinct Indian identity, even as the role of tribalism in Indian life declined. Although the Ghost Dance of the 1890s barely survived (in Oklahoma) into the early twentieth century, another new, pan-Indian religion, peyotism, also known as the Native American Church, became a mainstay for American Indians seeking to maintain a distinct culture. Peyotism remained prominent through midcentury and continued to flourish thereafter in Oklahoma, the Southwest, and other areas, offering hope for American Indians survival as a distinct people within the larger American society. Bibliography. Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes, 1940. Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity: Modern Pan-Indian Movements, 1971. Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination since 1928, 1979. Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1942, 1987. Melissa L. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1994. Nancy Shoemaker, American Indian Population Recovery in the Twentieth Century, 1999. Indian History and Culture: Since 1950 In the 1950s, the U. S. government attempted to assimilate Native Americans through treaty termination and relocation. In 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed into law a bill designed to annul federal treaties with Indian nations and to subject Indians to the same laws, and entitle them to the same privileges, rights, and responsibilities, as other citizens. Initiating procedures for ending federal supervision of Indians in California, Florida, New York, Texas, and specific tribes in other states, the legislation ordered the Secretary of the Interior to review existing treaties and statutes and recommend measures to end federal responsibility by 1 January 1954. A companion act in 1953 extended state laws over Indian reservations in Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon, and Wisconsin. In 1951, the Interior Departments Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) launched an employment-assistance program that reset tled Native peoples from high-unemployment reservations to cities like Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, and Oakland. After some job training on the reservation, people were taken to cities where BIA employees found them housing and employment. After the training and adjustment period, specialized government services ceased. Over 100,000 Indians were resettled through the relocation program, but it was controversial from the start some people relocated easily, while many others found the transition difficult and returned to their reservations. In the early 1960s, the John F. Kennedy administration largely ignored the termination policies and focused on Indian economic development, educational reform, vocational training, and housing. President Lyndon B. Johnson s Great Society legislation funneled more federal funds onto reservations than any previous programs. Head Start, the Job Corps, VISTA, and Upward Bound began operating on reservations. Pursuing a policy of self-determination, Johnsons Community Action Program authorized tribal governments to receive monies directly from the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) and to administer them without BIA supervision. A weakened BIA thus assumed an intermediary role between tribal governments and other federal agencies. In 1966, Robert Bennett (Oneida) became the first American Indian to head the BIA since Ely S. Parker (Seneca) in the 1870s. A career BIA employee, Bennett was a skilled administrator who knew many Indian leaders and worked effectively behind the scenes in the federal bureaucracy. In a message to Congress on Indian problems in 1968, Johnson rejected the termination approach and asserted that self-determination would erase old attitudes of paternalism. To coordinate the many agencies offering Indian services, Johnson appointed Vice President Hubert Humphrey to head the National Council on Indian Opportunity (NCIO). President Richard M. Nixon retained NCIO pledged to continue Johnsons self-determination policies and appointed a Republican Indian, Louis R. Bruce (Sioux-Mohawk), as Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In a 1970 message to Congress, Nixon rejected the termination policy and endorsed programs to improve education, health, and economic development on reservations and to increase support for urban Indian centers. The Indian Self-Determination Law (1974) set up procedures whereby Indian tribes could manage federal programs on their lands. The civil-rights era brought an upsurge in Indian militancy. In the mid-1960s, despite complaints from commercial and sport fishermen, Native fisherman in Washington State asserted their treaty rights to fish in the usual and accustomed places along the Nisqually River. In 1974, the federal courts upheld Native fishing rights in the Pacific Northwest. (Similar struggles for fishing rights would erupt in Minnesota and Wisconsin in the 1980s.) Occupying Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay in November 1969, American Indian militants sought to gain title to the island, build a Native American cultural center, and launch a Pan-Indian movement called the Confederation of American Indian Nations (CAIN). After a two-year occupation that spotlighted Indian demands, federal marshals removed the protesters. For Taos Pueblo in New Mexico, the issue was nearby Blue Lake, an important water source and sacred site that the federal government had incorporated into Carson National Forest in 1904. In 1965, after extended protests, the Pueblo leaders rejected a proposed monetary settlement and demanded the lakes return. In 1970, the Nixon administration pushed through a bill restoring Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo. The Alaska Native Land Claims Act (1971) granted some 40 million acres of federal land, and 962 million, to Indian villages and corporations in Alaska. In 1972, Nixon by executive order restored to the Yakima Indians of Washington State some 21,000 acres that had been wrongfully incorporated into Mount Rainier forest reserve in 1908. In 1968, meanwhile, the pan-Indian American Indian Movement (AIM) had been founded in Minneapolis to deal with unemployment, alienation, and poverty. Using audacious media tactics, AIM leaders occupied college buildings and staged protests at Mount Rushmore and the Mayflower II, a vessel commemorating the Pilgrims voyage of 1620. Organizing a Trail of Broken Treaties, AIM activists occupied BIA headquarters in Washington on 2 November 1972. They demanded repeal of termination legislation, the replacement of the BIA with a three-person presidential commission, the restoration of tribal sovereignty through treaties, and an increase in the Indian land base. On the eve of the 1972 election, the Nixon administration negotiated a compromise agreement granting immunity to the occupiers and promising to review their demands. In February 1973, AIM leaders occupied the hamlet of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota, site of the 1890 massacre of over 300 Lakota people. The highly publicized occupation and armed confrontation with the Federal Bureau of Investigation lasted for seventy-one days. American Indian intellectuals and writers rose to prominence through a 1970s cultural renaissance. Vine Deloria Jr. Scott Momaday, and Leslie Silko published pathbreaking books portraying the lives, philosophies, and anger of Native peoples. By the 1980s, writers and activists like Joy Harjo, Louise Erdrich, and Wilma Mankiller became strong voices for Indian survival and well-being. American Indian intellectuals, politicians, activists, and medicine people sought new ways to sur vive in a spiritually desolate and materialistic Euroamerican world. Despite many broken government promises to investigate grievances, AIM and the subsequent cultural renaissance in creased Indian self-respect and cultural identity. The number of Americans identifying themselves as Indians in the federal census more than doubled between 1970 and 1990. Media coverage also sensitized the public to Indian issues. The chief beneficiaries of Indian militancy were moderate groups like the National Tribal Chairmans Association (NTCA) and the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI). As in the African-American civil rights movement, the government cooperated with moderates to isolate the radicals. In 1973, NTCA and NCAI rejected AIM overtures for cooperation. During the 1970s, Indian moderates and Congress conducted numerous hearings that resulted in over a dozen major legislative acts and the appropriation of more than 100 million in aid for education (including tribal colleges), health, and economic programs in Native American communities. The Joint Resolution on American Indian Religious Freedom (1978) extended religious freedom to Native Americans, but Supreme Court decisions in the 1980s and 1990s undermined the practice of religious freedom for the Native American Church and Indian burial grounds. In 1980, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and other Indian tribes in Maine won land concessions and monetary awards of 81.5 million in settlement of their treaty claims. In the same year, the Supreme Court upheld a lower courts award of 107 million to the Sioux for the illegal seizure of their lands in the Black Hills in 1877. Seeking economic self-sufficiency, Indian communities turned to manufacturing, tourism, and other strategies. Following a 1987 Supreme Court ruling and 1988 congressional legislation permitting casino gambling on reservations, seventy tribes in twenty states opened casinos. Total gambling revenue in 1993 was estimated at 6 billion, but the profits were distributed unevenly some casinos near urban areas did well, while many others did not. At the federal level, the Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations saw little progress on such basic Indian issues as sovereignty, economic development, education, and unemployment. Although the Bill Clinton administration produced few legislative or policy changes, it did restore to tribal governments some monies cut by the previous two administra tions. In September 2000, as the Clinton administration ended, BIA head Kevin Gover (Pawnee) formally apologized for the BIAs past record of complicity in the removal of eastern Indians by threats, deceit, and force the ethnic cleansing of western tribes and futile and destructive efforts to annihilate Indian cultures. In such a climate, and with 557 tribal entities officially recognized by the federal government, the path seemed open for the advancement of Indian self-determination as a new century dawned. Bibliography. James S. Olsen and Raymond Wilson, Native Americans in the Twentieth Century, 1984. Sharon OBrien, American Indian Tribal Governments, 1989. Marjane Ambler, Breaking the Iron Bonds: Indian Control of Energy Development, 1990. Oren Lyons, John Mohawk, et al. Exiled in the Land of the Free: Democracy, Indian Nations, and the U. S. Constitution, 1992. John R. Wunder, Retained by the People: A History of American Indians and the Bill of Rights, 1994. Donald L. Parman, Indians and the American West in the Twentieth Century, 1994. Donald A. Grinde Jr. and Bruce E. Johansen, Ecocide of Native America: Environmental Destruction of Indian Lands and Peoples, 1995. Jeffrey. Morris and Richard B. Morris, eds. Encyclopedia of American History, 7th ed. 1996, pp. 627-29. Bruce E. Johanasen and Donald A. Grinde Jr. The Encyclopedia of Native American Biography, 1997. Donald A. Grinde Jr. Indian History and Culture: The Indian in Popular Culture From the first European contact, cultural representations of Native Americans were, for the most part, made by non-Indians and reflected non-Indian values and ideologies. Two stereotypes persisted: the noble Indian and the unredeemable savage. The noble Indian lives a simple life, is eloquent and independent, a child of nature, and helpful to whites. The savage Indian is lecherous, drunk, dirty, improvident, lazy, and hostile to whites. Both stereotypes imagined Indians as relics of the past, with no place in American society, always in the process of disappearing to make way for civilization. These imaginings reflected political and cultural conflicts. Idealizations of Indians as the first Americans proved useful in developing a national identity distinct from Europe, but actual Native Americans were obstacles to the conquest of the continent. In the end, Native Americans occupied a troubled place in American society: marginalized and oppressed in reality, idealized or demonized in the imagination. To some seventeenth-century Protestant colonists, Indians were remnants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. Pocahontas. who allegedly saved the life of Captain John Smith. became a mythic figure in the American imagination. But the prevailing view held that Indians were heathens who needed to be converted to Christianity or destroyed. Such unredeemable savages figured in the popular Puritan captivity narratives. In A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson (1676), Indians are instruments of the devil sent to test Christians faith. Variations of the captivity story long survived in paintings, gothic novels, dime novels, and movies. During the Revolutionary Era and beyond, the noble savage appeared as a powerful symbol of independence, individual liberty, and an authentic American identity. Chief Logan s eloquent speech of 1774, published in Thomas Jefferson s Notes on the State of Virginia (1785) and in McGuffey Readers throughout the nineteenth century, seemed to represent an authentic American voice and served to naturalize the principles of democracy. The Boston Tea Party was one of many instances of white men imitating the appearance and behavior of Indians to make a political point. Playing Indian persisted in nineteenth-century fraternal organizations like the New York Tammany Society and the Improved Order of Red Men. During the Antebellum Era, the romantic view of the Indian as a pure primitive doomed to disappear as civilization advances prevailed in American literature and art. Vanishing, romanticized Indians appear in the 1830s canvases of George Catlin. Karl Bodmer. and Alfred Jacob Miller and in the novels of James Fenimore Cooper. in Lydia Maria Child s Hobomok: A Tale of Early Times (1824), and in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow s The Song of Hiawatha (1855). The Indian Removal Act (1830) forced Indians to the trans-Mississippi west. After the Civil War, as the U. S. government forced Native Americans onto reservations and violent confrontations erupted between Indians and whites, Indians appeared in the popular culture as villains blocking the way of peaceful settlers. Plains Indians, the prevailing icon, were depicted as savage (though sometimes noble) warriors. Dime novels and magazines featured adventure stories based on Indian-white conflict. In the Wild West shows that enjoyed popularity from the 1880s until well into the twentieth century, Indians were foils for white Western heroes such as William (Buffalo Bill) Cody. Helen Hunt Jackson s 1884 novel Ramona sought to do for the American Indian what Uncle Toms Cabin had done for the slaves. Jacksons immensely popular tale of doomed lovers offered a variation on earlier sentimental literature about Indians. Until the late nineteenth century, federal policy concentrated on exterminating Native Americans or isolating them on reservations. With the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887, however, government policy moved toward assimilation through land allotment, education, and missionization, Indians would be come Americanized. At this point, the noble, vanishing Indian reemerged in nostalgic, elegiac icons such as James Earle Fraser s sculpture End of the Trail (1894) photographs by Edward S. Curtis and paintings and sculptures by Frederic Remington. which evoked an America threatened by industrialization and urbanization. In these decades, too, images of Indians proliferated on many products, such as tobacco, food, patent medicine, and cosmetics. Railroads and, later, automobiles and motorcycles also used the iconography. This commercial use of Indians evoked qualities such as connection with the earth, purity, manliness, speed, strength, and a reputation for helping whites. Tourism promoters, regionally and nationally, used images of local Indians (now safely vanished) to promote historical, scenic, or camping attractions. In addition, Native Americans were featured attractions at worlds fairs and national parks. The early twentieth century brought a renewed vogue of playing Indian. In scouting organizations such as the Boy Scouts of America, Woodcraft Indians, Girl Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, YMCA, and Boys Clubs, young people learned Indian lore, practiced Indian crafts, and performed Indian dances. In New Orleans, African-American Mardi Gras associations assumed Indian costumes and danced in Mardi Gras parades. These practices provided ways of imagining a national American identity and accessing a premodern, authentic state of being. Playing Indian continued in the New Age movements spiritual practices, and mens movements. Conservationist and environmental movements also evoked the idea of Native Americans as close to nature. In the twentieth century, movies, radio, and television shaped images of Indians. Some of the earliest movies, drawing on dime novels and Wild West shows, featured Indian-white conflict. In these films, Native Americans, stereotyped as violent, usually threatened some emblem of civilization such as the stagecoach, the train, the telegraph, or a white settlement. If not savages, Indians were frequently noble figures who served as companions or wards of white heroes. The Lone Ranger and his faithful Indian companion Tonto of radio fame had many incarnations in movie serials, comic books, comic strips, and on television. Beginning in the 1980s, several films portrayed contemporary Indian life, including Powwow Highway (1988), War Party (1988), Thunderheart (1991), and Smoke Signals (1998). In addition, several post-1960s Native American filmmakers including George Burdeau, Phil Lucas, James Luna, and Victor Masayesva Jr. responded to stereotypical representations with their own films, as did Native American writers such as N. Scott Momaday, Leslie Marmon Silko, Louise Erdrich, and Sherman Alexie. As the twentieth century ended, although most Native Americans remained politically and socially marginalized, Native American intellectuals, writers, artists, and filmmakers were taking matters into their own hands, exposing the politics behind popular representations of Indians and demanding rec ognition of their cultural forms. Bibliography. Rayna Green, The Pocahontas Perplex: The Image of Indian Women in American Culture, Massachusetts Review 16 (autumn 1975): 698-714. Robert F. Berkhofer Jr. The White Mans Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present, 1978. Brian Dippie, The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and U. S. Indian Policy, 1982. Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian, 1998. Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed. History of Indian-White Relations, vol. 4 of Handbook of North American Indians, ed. William C. Sturtevant, 1988.
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